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This article is devoted to the problem of civilizational society in the context of considering the socio-economic system. To date, there are a certain number of approaches to understanding this phenomenon. A classic example is the materialistic approach. Despite numerous attempts to criticize this approach, studying society through the prism of its socio-economic structure is largely possible due to the materialistic approach. The concept of K. Marx is considered and an analogy with modern realities is drawn. This approach has universal concepts and laws that can also be used in the analysis of all social systems. The article examines the conflicts of capital and labor, the place and role of the working class in the system of social relations, and also proves the importance of the proletariat class as the main driving force of modern society. The problems faced by the working class today are being studied. The types of socio-economic systems with individual criteria and the nature of property relations are considered. Goal. The article is devoted to the analysis of modern socio-economic systems within the framework of a civilizational society. The subject is the socio-economic system arising from the nature of public relations. The novelty lies in the fact that the working class is being studied in the context of modern scientific, technical and information breakthroughs, where competition for jobs increases with each new technology. The method or methodology of the work. The study is based on the teachings of K. Marx. Methods such as analysis, synthesis, comparative studies and historical and philosophical are also used. Results. The conducted research makes it possible to understand that despite the abundance of approaches to the concept of a civilizational society, the fundamental factor of studying remains its socio-economic sphere, as a result of public relations. The article reveals the Marxist approach, thanks to which it is possible to assess the position of the working class in modern civilizational society. Taking into account the growth of culture, the emergence of new technologies and the age of digitalization, the fundamental criterion for ensuring the vital activity of society was and remains – the worker. Different types of socio-economic systems and the methodology of the distribution of economic resources are given. The scope of the results. The results obtained can be used in the context of the implementation of state social policy, regulatory culture, as well as forecasting social and labor conflicts.

This research aims to analyze and describe the occurrence of student conflict dramaturgy at Muhammadiyah University Makassar, to analyze and synthesize the mechanism of the student conflict dramaturgy process at Muhammadiyah University Makassar, and to design solutions for student conflict dramaturgy Unismuh Makassar. This type of research is qualitative research with a case study approach. The informants for this research were 22 informants. Data was found through field observations, in-depth interviews, and documentation. These data are developed by giving meaning to the data, interpreting, or transforming the data into narrative forms which then lead to findings that nuanced scientific propositions that ultimately reach conclusions. Based on the results of the analysis, it was found that student conflict dramaturgy was developed by the interests of alumni actors, self-actualization, regional symbols, individual differences, and even clashes of interests. The dramaturgical process of student conflict was based on the front stage, then the middle stage continues to the backstage, then normal activities (of Stage) and forms of conflict dramaturgy including, inter-individual conflict, inter-group conflict, political conflict, and the last one is the dramaturgical solution to student conflict at the Muhammadiyah University of Makassar through an emotional approach, mediation, and providing space for actor actualization.

The Historical Social Conflict Database (HiSCoD) is an ongoing project designed to provide to scholars and society at large with a set of resources for analyzing social conflict from the Middle Ages to the second half of the nineteenth century (c. 1000–c. 1870). Based on original archival research and existing repositories, the aim is to provide a global database of social conflict in past societies by collecting, aggregating, documenting, and harmonizing instances of conflict. As of today, the database contains data on more than twenty thousand events, from fiscal scuffles to urban revolts involving thousands of individuals. For every event, we provide information on the date, location, type of conflict, and, when possible, number of participants, participation of women, and a summary of events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of populism has reignited scholarly interest in the paradox of societal advancement leading to frustration and social tension. Globalization and digitalization have increased social opportunities for parts of the population, but a substantial portion of society feels disadvantaged, resulting in discontent. This study, rooted in Boudon's model of relative deprivation, examines the mechanisms that fuel this frustration. We conducted an online experiment involving 2114 US-based MTurk participants, in which we manipulated the availability of status positions to create varying degrees of upward social mobility. We also varied group sizes to ensure robustness. We assessed relative deprivation with structural, subjective, and behavioral measures. For example, frustration was measured using the "joy-of-destruction game," in which subjects had to make the costly decision to destroy part of another player's winnings. Contrary to the model's prediction, we found that the proportion of individuals who were worse off, the losers, decreased consistently as mobility increased. This outcome can be attributed to overentry in conditions of low mobility and underentry in conditions of intermediate or high mobility. The losers displayed increased frustration and hostility towards noncompetitors and winners. Intriguingly, winners also exhibited heightened hostility. However, at the aggregate level, hostile behavior did not surge as conditions improved. In our exploratory analyses at the individual level, we identified several distinct patterns. Risk-tolerant individuals and women were more likely to enter competition. Conversely, those with advanced education levels showed a decreased inclination to competitiveness. Risk-tolerant individuals reported greater feelings of frustration and displayed increased hostility. This effect was also observed particularly among politically right-leaning individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the settlement of Rohingya people in Cox's Bazar, national and international NGO s have undertaken initiatives such as trust-building and community relationships for establishing social cohesion between the Rohingyas and host communities. However, cohabitation between the two communities is far-behind, and social conflict between the two communities has been a reality for the host society. By applying multiple approaches – perception survey among the local people, focus group discussion (FGD) among the Rohingyas and key informant interviews, this article finds that Rohingya settlement has resulted many challenges such as scarcity of resources, competition over livelihood options, price hikes, decaying of the physical environment, and security complexities. These challenges have been a source of generating conflict instead of building social cohesion in Cox's Bazar. Survey results outline that local people are anxious about population growth, social unrest, illicit business and drugs, and potential political conflict. The FGD among the Rohingyas explores the uncertain future of the refugee, frustration over livelihood, health, and education for their children. Overall results highlight that social, economic, environmental and political changes in the post-settlement phase post-2017 have been a potential source of conflict. Analysis suggests that the conflict potential for the host society stemming from the Rohingya displaced population is significant enough that the host government and international organisations should consider actions, policies, and diplomatic actions to address the social tension and remedy the emergent problems in the area. Such measures include those that strengthen efforts at repatriation initiatives for the refugee population, and those that can ensure livelihood opportunities for them without compromising such opportunities for the host population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the challenges of maintaining ethical ethnographic practices amid the evolving bureaucratic regulations of research ethics. Drawing on the author's fieldwork experiences in Lesvos, Greece, during different periods, including the recent European 'refugee crisis', it reflects on the deep ethics inherent in the ethnographic encounter, shaped by long‐term commitments and mutual exposure between the researcher and interlocutors. It critiques the bureaucratization of research ethics, arguing that legalistic guarantees, such as consent forms, undermine the nuanced, context‐dependent nature of ethnographic work. By contrasting engagements with locals, activists and professional humanitarians, the author highlights the tensions between bureaucratic regulation and the need for a flexible, situated approach to ethics, calling for a critical assessment of ethical frameworks to preserve the 'breathing space' essential for responsible and insightful ethnography. The article advocates for resistance against one‐size‐fits‐all ethical regulations constraining the rich potential of ethnographic research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates the contemporary vitality of Lenin's theory of ideology. Since the collapse of Soviet socialism, some have attempted to dismiss Lenin's theory as anti-Marxist and lacking in critical power. More recent studies of the Marxist theory of ideology have neglected Lenin entirely. Contrastingly, this article argues that Lenin's theory of ideology remains relevant, albeit misunderstood. First, Lenin highlighted the class essence of ideology with unparalleled force and clarity. He emphasised that every ideology serves the power of a definite class. Second, Lenin clarified the role of ideology as a weapon in the class struggle. He urged the working class to use socialist ideology to further its interests and overthrow capitalism. Third, Lenin outlined the principles for engaging in the ideological struggle. He instructed Marxists on how to advance their ideas and defeat bourgeois ones. These insights remain indispensable for communists, a hundred years after Lenin's death in 1924. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last years of the Porfirian government, two recordings circulated with the alleged voice of President Díaz. In a record included in a 1907 Columbia Phonograph Company catalogue, the orders of the leader were captured during the battle fought on April 2, 1867 in Puebla, between the french troops and the Juarista army. In reality, it was a performance recorded in a phonograph and bicycle workshop by a group of popular actors and musicians. At the same time, a cylinder produced by the Edison Company in 1909 contained a letter from Díaz addressed to Thomas Alva Edison. Through these phonograms and other sonic, visual, and handwritten sources, I demonstrate the relevance of recorded sound for studying the diplomatic and commercial relations between the US government and the Mexican State, as well as some of the strategies of subaltern sectors to participate in daily battles for the memory of the nation. Don Porfirio's voices reveal a privileged field of social tensions, between truth and fiction, which allows the political and popular history of Mexico to be rewritten from other methodological possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Christ group in Thessalonica was established when members of an association abandoned their deity and adopted Christ devotion. This interpretation has been advanced by others. While adopting this interpretation in general, I suggest modifications to it. In particular, I propose that the association experienced a split in its membership, with some members staying with the parent association and others breaking off to form a new assembly with a new deity. This scenario offers us a context for understanding the "persecution" experienced by the Thessalonian Christ group, as social conflict was played out in the public arena between the parent association and the Christ assembly. The authors of 1 Thessalonians sought to reduce the social conflict while still maintaining the distinctive identity of the Christ assembly and its theological commitments. This article (1) suggests several ways in which the new Christ assembly underwent adjustments in its associational character, (2) offers comparanda from the database of Greco-Roman associations, and (3) proposes that the authors' comments in 5:15 are best interpreted in relation to this situation of social conflict between the parent association and its deviant offspring assembly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political and organisational routes opened up on the contemporary left following the financial crisis have seen a revival of class composition analysis as a means of comprehending a broad array of social and economic phenomena both within and beyond the workplace. Contextualising contemporary class composition analysis as a long-standing component of autonomist Marxism, this article argues that its application amid the left's electoral turn exposes to scrutiny deeper-running weaknesses. The article first presents a history of class composition analysis through operaismo into postoperaismo. The second part of the article discusses four interconnected new directions in class composition analysis: Hardt and Negri's Assembly ; the analysis of social composition offered by the Notes from Below collective; Keir Milburn's analysis of 'generation left'; and, finally, the uptake of some of these ideas among commentators on the left of the British Labour Party like Paul Mason. The article then discusses the theoretical and strategic implications of these contributions through the prism of critiques of class composition analysis put forward by other theorists in the autonomist Marxist tradition. Noting the possible limitations confronting the application of class composition analysis to contemporary challenges faced by the post-crisis left, the penultimate section considers Labour Process Theory as a theoretical alternative implicit in recent critiques of contemporary class composition analysis, arguing that while Labour Process Theory's analysis of the 'politics of production' captures the contingency of the connection between the workplace and formal politics, it leaves unresolved the lack of a distinctive theory of the latter on the contemporary left. The final section reconnects the discussion to the legacy of operaismo by exploring Mario Tronti's recently translated work on the 'autonomy of the political' as a more substantial articulation of the specificity of politics against the backdrop of class conflict at the point of production. The conclusion relates this back to recent strategic issues in the Labour Party and broader labour movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James Pearson's book, "Nietzsche on Conflict, Struggle, and War," explores the theme of conflict in Nietzsche's work. Pearson examines Nietzsche's views on various forms of conflict, including Greek agonistic culture, war, class struggle, and biological competition. The book delves into apparent inconsistencies in Nietzsche's thinking, such as his glorification of violence and social stratification, while also valuing non-violent competition and self-overcoming. Pearson argues that Nietzsche's thought can be understood in terms of measured and unmeasured conflict, and explores how Nietzsche's ideas on conflict evolve over his texts. While some of Pearson's conclusions may be debated, the book offers valuable insights into Nietzsche's views on conflict and is recommended for those interested in Nietzsche's thought on Greek culture, biological theories, social and political thought, and the will to power. [Extracted from the article]

Understanding the social feasibility of wildlife conservation approaches is essential to reducing social conflicts over wildlife and public backlash toward wildlife agencies and organizations. The Potential for Conflict Index2 (PCI2) and geospatial analyses of conflict can help wildlife practitioners strategically engage their publics, but these two tools have yet to be combined. Using data from a 2021 survey about white‐tailed deer in Indiana (n = 1806), we analyzed conflict levels among stakeholder self‐identities and political ideologies regarding the acceptability of six possible management methods, three lethal and three nonlethal. We then conducted a hotspot analysis of gridded PCI2 values to map areas of high and low social conflicts across the state. Conflict potentials showed more consistent covariation with political ideologies than with stakeholder self‐identities, aligning with urban–rural divides in wildlife experiences. Data on political leanings and residency may thus be more reliable than stakeholder categories to predict social conflicts over wildlife management. Hotspots of conflict over lethal methods clustered around urban areas, indicating that agencies should focus on engaging urban residents about deer management. Our conflict hotspots can be combined with other spatial data to create social units of analysis, which can help practitioners develop targeted and socially accepted strategies for wildlife conservation and management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the present-day prevalence of digital payment technologies, the iconic sound of the mechanical cash register – "cha-ching" – still serves as a sonic shorthand for profit and success in popular culture. Given these associations, it may surprise some to learn that the cash register bell was initially employed as a surveillance mechanism, entangled in (and capitalising on) rising social tensions of its late nineteenth-century invention. In exploring the history of the cash register bell, this essay highlights the role of sound as a dynamic and divisive emblem of American commerce which can signify far more than financial gain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we study the unintended subversion of official ideology among ordinary people in Mao's China by analyzing the everyday life represented in the letters of a Shanghai worker who sought to overcome political anxieties by turning the political rituals, symbols, and tropes to his ends without resisting political mobilizations and challenging official ideology. By examining how the writer of the letters read Maoist political texts and employ political discourse in everyday life, we seek to explain how such a tactic of everyday politics differs from resistance and escape. We demonstrate that ordinary people could still find a way to transcend the political logic of the Cultural Revolution while outwardly participating in the revolutionary routine. This mode of unintentional subversion helps to explain how the Cultural Revolution ended without a major political upheaval against the Party-state's official ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we argue that current societal struggles about whether and how eco-social policy and politics should be implemented to tackle the interlinked challenges of climate change and inequality are an expression of the main societal conflict of our times: the social-ecological transformation conflict. We identify four lines of conflict in the social-ecological transformation and explore how they are related to classes and mentalities. In the theoretical part, we conceptualize classes in social space and mentalities through a Bourdieusian relational approach. We also discuss the location of the four lines of conflict in social space. In the empirical part, we analyze survey data from Germany. Firstly, we find eight mentalities among respondents reflecting their views on various eco-social topics. Secondly, we construct the social space with socio-economic variables for the economic and cultural capital of the respondents. Thirdly, we plot the mentalities in the social space. The results show that the cultural middle class is in favor of eco-social policy, while the upper class and the economic middle class prefer green growth and ecological modernization. The lower-class fractions are skeptical of any transformation because they distrust institutions and cannot bear the transformation costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the archaeology and history of labor is based on organized labor, unions, and strikes, and the common rhetoric emphasizes the success or failure of union strike activities. This frames labor activism with clear winners and losers and inadvertently adopts the vantage point of capital. Given the modern world where union membership is plummeting, "success" seems even more unlikely. In this paper, I use the case of the Coalwood lumber camp to argue that labor's "success" was much more complicated than simply winning strikes. Recognizing the difference between concrete and abstract labor provides a way to think about worker's decisions to structure their lives based more on concrete than alienated labor that gives them more autonomy over their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of democratic state-building constituted the basis of the peace promotion engagement of the United Nations and other international agencies in Timor-Leste. Yet, this process of internationally assisted socio-political reconstruction has produced mixed results in terms of achieving a liberal democratic transformation. In accounting for these outcomes, the existing scholarship highlights the ways in which the intensifying power struggles between different competing social groups gave rise to a socio-political order where clientelist, neo-patrimonial governance structures and practices co-exist with those of the Western Weberian state. This article draws on social conflict theory to examine the underlying political economy dynamics of these governance outcomes. It concludes that the process of socio-political ordering experienced in Timor-Leste is not a deviation from the liberal democratic blueprint. It rather results from it, reflects the balance of power between competing groups in society, and develops in such a way that serves the interests of particular social forces while marginalising others. Following from this premise, the article emphasises the point that the analysis of the political environment in Timor-Leste should consider the state-society complex rather than focusing on the quality of state institutions misguidedly insulated from societal interest and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are many dimensions to conflict in Africa. It depends on the nature of the underlying demography, heterogeneity, and historical context of the state’s social and political problems. The impact of the coronavirus has greatly affected the socioeconomic structure and governance system in Africa, leading to social conflicts. Moreover, the social conflict led to deaths, job losses, and human capital reductions, resulting in economic catastrophes in South Africa, Egypt, and Ethiopia, among others. In Nigeria, the government was unable to cushion the impact of Covid-19, frustrated by the issues of poverty and inequality, wherein the masses were pounded with hunger and insecurity; a corrupt policing system precipitated the social unrest in 2020. Nigeria’s social issues, coupled with the shock of Covid-19, cumulated into protest actions, looting, and police brutality. The government’s inadequate response to the political crisis and state of unrest greatly influenced the public’s belief and outlook on social concerns. The research postulates the following question: how did the social conflict in Africa and Nigeria become overheated during Covid-19? The paper adopts a qualitative method that explores existing literature and media sources on social conflicts and Covid-19 in Africa and Nigeria. The study anchors its theoretical framework on the fragile state theory. The paper concludes that Nigeria’s weakened socioeconomic structure met with the shock of the horror of Covid-19, which sparked social conflict in the country.

Systematic restrictions on access to food have brought on a food crisis in Russian-occupied territories. Blocking free access to food by occupation, economic pressure, reduced production and destruction of infrastructure risks social conflicts and escalating violence. Food shortages have led to deterioration of physical and economic health, increased mortality, social disorganisation and threats to personal security; many victims experience post-traumatic stress disorder. We draw comparisons with the Holodomor of 1933–4 and the Dutch Hongerwinter of 1944–5. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on good life in these places where socialism, capitalism, and globalization intersect. Topics include COVID-19 rages across the world bringing the global economy to a near halt and causing massive loss of life; and complexity and (im)possibility of living and thriving in this contemporary world marked by precarity, insecurity, and crisis.

This paper envisages how the concept of 'Inequality' has been perceived by the Trade Unionists in late colonial Bengal. Informed by the ideology of Communism, these activists penned down a myriad of insightful analytical tracts, primarily in vernaculars, ranging from propaganda pamphlets to articles in the party organs. Their critique of Imperialism, and how it precipitates economic and socio-political inequalities was grafted in the ethos of class struggle. Through delineating their stark ideological differences with Gandhian mass politics, and by focusing on their intellectual endeavours concerning various structural inequalities of class, religion, caste, and gender it aims at charting out the indigenous response to the global doctrine of Communism. Often overlooked as conventional intellectuals, their literature brings to fore an alternative discourse on anti-colonialism in South Asia, overwhelmed by the theme of Nationalism. This paper is a methodological probe in doing intellectual history from below, adding to the edifice of the existing scholarship on Decolonisation, Communism, and Inequality in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The River God cult held a significant place in state rituals in imperial China. While scholars have primarily focused on the evolution of the River God sacrificial system, with its interplay of the official granting of noble titles and popular beliefs, this paper offers a further examination of the River God cult. By reading the "Stele of the (Shrine) Temple for the River God honored as the Duke of Numinous Source" (hedushen lingyuangong cimiao bei 河瀆神靈源公祠廟碑), created in the Tang Dynasty, this study explores the interactive relationship between the River God cult and state power in the Hezhong 河中area during that time period. We contend that the traditional River God cult and the participation of both officials and civilians in common rituals throughout past dynasties not only created a concentration of historical memories and reverent emotions but also established a strong social foundation for belief in the River God within the Hezhong region. This cult attracted both state endorsement and popular support. Thus, Guo Ziyi 郭子儀 (697–781), a famous military general in the Tang Dynasty, sought to renovate a temple and erect a monument for the River God. This monument was to serve as a cultural symbol that would strengthen the connection between the state and the local community, and hence ease the social tensions in the Hezhong area after the An Lushan Rebellion. In sum, such a construction would enhance the psychological and cultural identity of the people with both the mandate of heaven and the Tang imperial authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Left-wing movements are said to invest mainly in class struggle to address global capitalism and the growing dominance by the far right. Recent left-wing movements, however, increasingly invest in culture. This article explores this investment with a focus on the mobilisation of heritage (historical architecture, cultural traditions, histories, and narratives). Through the case of Dresden's No-Pegida movement, I show that heritage is an often-unrecognised sphere of mobilising radical politics from the left. Attention to how the left mobilises heritage can indicate that investments in culture occur in intersectional and transversal ways. This article uses examples from a qualitative study of No-Pegida to discuss heritage mobilisation in demonstrations and community work. I show that heritage comes to matter for the left when responding to heritage populism from the far right. The left's heritage mobilisation can be understood as a refusal of authoritarian populism and an opposition to the far right's spatial cleansing attempts. It is further an important step for reconfiguring the local creative middle-class through the inclusion of refugee and migrant artists and for centring subaltern philosophies about culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work demonstrates that, contrary to popular political narratives, working-class White Americans are far from monolithic in their class identities, social attitudes, and political preferences. Latent profile analysis is used to distinguish three types of identity in a nationally representative sample of working-class Whites: Working Class Patriots, who valorize responsibility, embrace national identity, and disparage the poor; Class Conflict Aware, who regard social class as a structural phenomenon and ascribe elitist attitudes to higher classes; and Working Class Connected, who embrace working-class identity, sympathize with the poor, and feel disrespected because of the work they do. This identity typology appears unique to working-class Whites and is associated with distinct patterns of attitudes regarding immigration, race, and politics, such that Class Conflict Aware and Working Class Connected Whites are considerably more progressive than are Working Class Patriots. Implications for electoral politics and race relations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alain Touraine, a prominent French sociologist, passed away at the age of 97. He was known for his theories on social movements and the production of society through social conflicts and cultural choices. Touraine developed the concept of "actionalism" as a theoretical perspective for analyzing large-scale social change. He studied the transition from industrial to post-industrial society, theorized the "new social movements," and advocated for sociological intervention as a method of action research. Touraine was a public intellectual and engaged in various social and political struggles throughout his life. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the history of petitioning the monarchy in Castile, Spain during the fifteenth century, and it mentions grievances submitted to the Royal Council under the medieval reigns of then-Castilian leaders Queen Isabel I and King Fernando II. According to the article, Castilians asserted their rights and sought resolutions to various social and judicial conflicts. Royal decrees and the Royal Council's coercive methods are assessed.

The Chinese regime in urban redevelopment has evolved from a command type to one that seems committed to adopting the successful elements of participatory institutions. Recent studies mostly focus on the analysis of cities populated by the Han ethnic group and, as such, are susceptible to ethnographical and cultural bias. Building upon the concepts of habitus and nomocratic-teleocratic imbrication, this article investigates the variegated forms of Chinese urban governance in redevelopment projects through a comparative view of critical geopolitics in cities with stark ethnographical differences—a Uyghur community in Kashgar's Old Town, and a Han community in Shenzhen. Our findings reveal that, when faced with a teleocratic order imposed on their nomocratically formed space, Uyghur residents with a community-based habitus preferred non-confrontational practices for self-protection, rather than direct engagement in open conflict; conversely, Shenzhen residents with state-preference habitus chose public mobilization as a means to seek state attention, largely because their teleocratic community was allowed certain room for negotiations and contestation in the planning process. Two hybrid planning orders are identified: teleocratized nomocracy and nomocratized teleocracy, manifesting the divergent ways in which collaborative strategies have been incorporated by China's governing authorities in order to increase policy adaptability. These findings contribute to understanding the complexity and flexibility of urban governance in the participatory transformation of the urban policy framework in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The local trains of Mumbai are one of the most crowded means of public transport, but often preferred by many women due to the provision of exclusive ladies' compartments reserved for women. While these compartments provide women a space safe from sexual assault, conflicts due to class and religious differences arise among the women who occupy this in-between space. Moreover, the continuous use of ladies' compartments leads to the labelling of general compartment as gents, affects the interactions between men and women in different railway spaces, and also configures the public as already segregated according to a binary understanding of gender. Based on the findings from an ethnographic study of women's experiences of using the ladies' compartments, I argue that the provision of segregation gives rise to specific 'mobility practices' in the ladies' compartments. The logic of segregation spills over to other railway spaces, and these can complicate our understanding of mobility as empowering for women travellers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While previous research has focused on terrorist attacks and natives' attitudes towards immigration, we examine the effect of anti-refugee attacks on refugees' attitude towards the host country. We use survey data from the 33rd wave of the German Socio-Economic Panel as the fieldwork period overlapped with the infamous anti-refugee riots in Bautzen and as the survey includes a refugee sample. Making use of this natural experiment, we find significant and negative short-term effects of the riots on respondents' perception of Germany, as well as low geographic variation. Such natural experiments in the form of unexpected events during survey design offer social scientists the possibilities to identify causal effects from observational survey data as they split respondents into a control and treatment group. Given the vast amount of (cross-)national survey data, often including specific subsamples, our study demonstrates the great potential of natural experiments for sociological research on minority groups in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evolution towards complex forms of sociality is dependent on overcoming conflicts of interest between prospective social partners. Competition for limited resources is a key aspect of such conflicts. Behaviour that results in conflict resolution without termination of the social relationship is thus predicted to be more prevalent in more social species. We here tested this hypothesis by staging contests between conspecifics over a crucial resource, using three lamprologine cichlid species that differ in their sociality. The cooperatively breeding species (Neolamprologus pulcher) indeed demonstrated improved conflict resolution, showing more egalitarian sharing of the resource and establishing mutually tolerant relationships more often compared to the pair-bonded species (Variabilichormis moorii) and the mostly solitary species (Lepidiolamprologus elongatus). We suggest that this is the result of behavioural differences between these cichlids: N. pulcher already showed more de-escalating behaviour during the earliest stages of the contests and increased rates of de-escalating behaviours more in response to heightened levels of aggression. Our results thus provide comparative support for the notion that socially competent behaviour, resolving conflicts while maintaining social relations, is a key behavioural aspect of evolutionary transitions to complex societies. • Conflicts over resources differ between cichlids with different social systems. • Cooperatively breeding cichlids show more de-escalation behaviours during conflicts. • Cooperatively breeding cichlids share resources more equally. • Conflict resolution without terminating social relations fosters social evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how activist networks contribute to the spatial diffusion of mining conflicts. We conduct a spatial econometric analysis of 590 geolocated mining properties in five countries of Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Peru), using the univariate local joint count test and the spatial autoregressive probit method. Empirically, the analysis provides strong and generalizable evidence for the spatial diffusion of conflicts related to mining, namely that a social conflict in a given mine site can be considered an independent cause of a distinct social conflict in another proximate mine site that is additional to the localized factors considered in the quantitative and qualitative literature to date. Moreover, we show that the diffusion effect is most evident at a territorial level of analysis, which leads us to make the theoretical argument that the diffusion of collective action depends on the geospatial resonance of activist claims and mobilizing frames based on a common territorial experience among otherwise distant groups. The concept of geospatial resonance contributes to contemporary efforts to conceptually and empirically specify the limitations to a relational understanding of scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a rejoinder to the five critical reviews appearing in jshj of the book by James Crossley and Robert J. Myles, Jesus: A Life in Class Conflict (Zer0 Books, 2023). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crossley and Myles's Jesus: A Life in Class Struggle offers an innovative and accessible reading of the movement around Jesus in terms of class struggle. The authors combine a breadth of knowledge about first-century realities, acumen in exegesis of the Gospel texts, and contemporary crowd theory to reach new conclusions regarding Jesus and his disciples, especially in his last days, and regarding the 'failure' of their movement. This review examines their understanding of the 'Jesus movement' and its relationship to the Galilean peasantry and their methodology in extrapolating from the Gospels; and proposes a more thorough Marxist theorization of the Gospels' role in producing the 'failure' they describe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is an extended review of, and engagement with, James Crossley and Robert J. Myles's Jesus: A Life in Class Conflict (2023). The review particularly commends them for a work which addresses the difficult question of whether one is able to recover an 'historical' figure from tradition, and notes that effort, in many ways, becomes a compelling form of reception criticism. It notes, as well, some key places for future consideration (e.g., the implications of their work for masculinity studies). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is a review of Jesus: A Life in Class Conflict by James Crossley and Robert J. Myles, a historical materialist exploration of what we know about the life of Jesus and the Jesus movement in first-century Roman Palestine. This review focuses particularly on the ways in which Crossley and Myles engage with considerations of gender and masculinity as part of their engagement with the historical materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a review article of James Crossley's and Robert Myle's, Jesus in Class Conflict (2023). After a chapter by chapter summary, the review provides some assorted critical reflections on among other issues the 'biographical' approach still apparent here, despite a critical effort to distance from 'great man' approaches to history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James Crossley and Robert Myles's Jesus: A Life in Class Conflict is a considerable accomplishment in its situation of Jesus as a figure inseparable from the material conditions of labor exploitation. The present review discusses two topics that the book touches upon only briefly, but linger under the surface of their analysis: Jesus' treatment of enslaved laborers and utopian social experimentation. This article juxtaposes Jesus with the roughly contemporaneous figure of Spartacus to consider about the availability of social experimentation and the location of slaves within class-based analyses of Roman antiquity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text introduces a special issue of the Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus, focusing on the book "Jesus: A Life in Class Conflict" by James Crossley and Robert J. Myles. The book examines Jesus and his movement through the lens of class conflict, interpreting elements of the Jesus tradition in relation to socio-economic conditions. The special issue includes review essays by scholars who provide diverse perspectives on the book's arguments. The book challenges conventional approaches to historical Jesus scholarship and presents a Jesus who targeted the rich and advocated for a hierarchical society that benefited his class. It also situates Jesus firmly within Second Temple Judaism and explores how Christianity became the dominant discourse of the Roman Empire. [Extracted from the article]

This article aims to shed light on the problem of Confucianism’s role in strengthening the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. After 40 years of economic reform, contemporary China is by and large functioning as a quasi-capitalist state, however, due to the lack of protection of the labour class, the conflicts between the workers and their employers have created a legitimacy crisis for China’s authoritarian regime and forced it to seek alternative means to strengthening its legitimacy apart from its orthodox communism ideology and the coercive measures. In this article, the researchers try to answer the abovementioned question by examining the correlation between the coverage of Confucianism (the frequency of messages related to Confucian ideas) in the Chinese Communist Party’s biggest state-owned newspaper People’s Daily and how Chinese people acknowledge the regime as rightful, which is expressed via Chinese labour protest levels. The vector autoregressive (VAR) modelling results revealed that in the period between 2011 and 2019, the Chinese Communist Party used Confucianism as one of the instruments to build and strengthen the regime’s legitimacy whereby it can pacify the dissatisfaction of the labour class. Further, considering that many authoritarian regimes shared a similar approach of using the dominant religion or culture to enhance their legitimacy during crises, the findings of this research could also open a new avenue for further comparative studies on these authoritarian regimes’ discrepancies using the same approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay presents a critical analysis of Özgür Orhangazi's Türkiye ekonomisinin yapısı (The structure of the Turkish economy). The book examines the last four decades of the Turkish economy, accounting for its place in the global capitalist system and focusing on the radical effects of the liberalization of capital mobility in 1989. Moreover, the book describes the growth model of the Turkish economy over the last two decades, consisting of three components: high dependency on foreign capital inflow, debt accumulation, and construction-oriented growth. This review finds that the book lacks in its examination of the internal dynamics of capitalism in Turkey, especially concerning the evolution of the two branches of the Turkish bourgeoisie: construction capital, which is the extension of commercial capital; and industrial capital, which has made its mark on the history of capitalism in Turkey. Class struggle inside the bourgeoisie has in fact shaped the last century of economic and political history in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When human relationships are affected by conflict, tensions between norms arise, fragmentation occurs, and social cohesion weakens. In this context, the impacts of affirmative action on ethnic fragmentation in the Department of Cauca are examined, with a particular focus on Afro-descendant and indigenous communities in the north of the region. To analyze it, a fractionation index was used that evaluates the dispersion of non-governmental organizations. The results showed an increase in fragmentation among indigenous communities; Furthermore, the number of Afro-descendant associations exceeded that of indigenous ones, with no evidence of a demonstration effect. It is concluded that the trend towards fragmentation has weakened large organizations that defend common causes, predicting conflicts both within and between different groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research explored school coexistence from the students' perception of conflict, and was developed under a mixed descriptive approach. The conceptual foundation included information associated with the construction of reality, conflict and violence, as seen from Galtung's theory. The fieldwork was based on a non-probabilistic sampling, corresponding to 24 students of the Francisco José Caldas School of Cúcuta in Norte de Santander, Colombia. The diagnosis showed that perceptions of conflict correspond to the notion of direct violence, are based on negative implicit appraisals, and are difficult to modify. In addition, students have a low capacity to develop explicitly grounded conceptions, since the cultural and social environment repeatedly presents conflict in a negative way. The results can contribute to the formulation of strategies for the construction of a healthy school coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how to better understand and respond to conflicts with religious dimensions in times of social upheaval. Through different lenses, we highlight the dynamism and multidimensionality of religions, and how conflict transformation scholar/practitioners need to respond. We argue for applying analytical, practical, and arts‐based tools that acknowledge the lived experiences of parties, and the various ways that religion and conflict intertwine. These tools prime analysts and negotiators for imagining a wider range of intervention resources, and for de‐escalating often‐inflammatory media coverage. Using examples of restrictions and reactions related to the COVID‐19 pandemic, we demonstrate the application of an inclusive worldview approach featuring arts tools to improve interventions in conflicts with religious dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas much has been written about the role community media plays in peacebuilding, emphasis is often put on participatory media models as key determinants of peace or conflict sustainability. Little is known, however, about the conditions under which such media increase or impede peace efforts due to the complex nature of conflict. Moreover, how, when, and by whom such media can be tailored to offer favorable conditions for peacebuilding at the community level remain largely unanswered questions. This article draws from Howard's (An Operational Framework for Media and Peacebuilding, IMPACS, 2002) typology of media interventions, issue‐framing framework, and conflict transformation approach to probe the prospects of community media agency in peacebuilding at the community level. It argues that the way conflict narratives are produced, negotiated, and consumed across time and space is what provides individuals or groups with incentives for conflict or trade‐offs for peace irrespective of the stage at which a given conflict manifests itself. Overall, the reflections presented are conceptual and are intended to generate theoretical and methodological discussions around the role of community media in conflict transformation and peacebuilding at the community level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Paul, Silvanus and Timothy left Thessalonica, members of the fledgling Christ group in that city experienced death within their social network. Opinions differ as to whether the authors' comments in 1 Thess 4.13–18 are addressing puzzlement internal to the Christ group alone, or whether these recent deaths also played into the wider discourse of the city. In addressing this issue, I adopt the view, propounded especially by Richard Ascough, that the Thessalonian Christ group had its origins in a civic association. In contrast to Ascough, I propose that the association did not undergo a complete 'conversion' to a new deity; instead, it experienced a rupture in its membership, with some members splitting off to form a new assembly of Christ-devotion. This 'ruptured association' scenario offers a different explanation than Ascough's regarding the issue the authors of 1 Thess were addressing in 4.13–18. The argument draws upon comparanda from the database of Greco-Roman associations and offers an interpretation in closer alignment with the primary emphasis of the text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While money is centrally important to globalization, inequality, and social conflict, sociological globalization theories lack a macro theoretical framework for analysis of the international monetary system. Because studies of the US dollar by Hoogvelt (2010) and Vermeiren (2013) are directly relevant to the development of such a framework, in this paper I critically review their analyses in light of (A) post-Great Financial Crisis macroeconomic and sociopolitical trends, (B) recent theoretical studies of money, and (C) empirical studies of the international monetary system. My critique of Hoogvelt and Veirmeiren's analyses serves as a foundation for the development of a theoretical analysis of money that is both sociological and global in its orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite legislation banning combustible cladding materials after the 2017 Grenfell fire, at least 10,000 buildings were still awaiting remediation in 2022. This is in large part because fragmented ownership and management structures alongside the specificities of British property law produced a situation in which individual apartment owners (leaseholders) were liable for the costs of remediation rather than those who own the buildings (freeholders) or the developers who built them. Faced with unaffordable remediation bills, leaseholders became stuck in uninsurable, unsellable, potentially fire‐prone units. Through the case of a London housing block, we trace the relationship between the structure of landed property, value extraction, and the distribution of risk to understand how a significant portion of the UK's housing stock have remained firetraps. We argue that institutionalised value grabbing not only created the conditions of social murder but also became an obstacle to remediation, resulting in a politically charged "asset class struggle" over the way in which the structure of housing property and its capitalisation mediates social harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applying Bordieuan cultural reproduction theory to life-history interviews with 47 college athletes, this study examines the field of athletic admissions as a prominent place for class conflicts. Utilizing interview data and document analysis, I examine how parents from white suburban communities learn the rules of the game of athletic admissions and use their capital to advantage their offspring in navigating the field. Growing up in affluent communities immersed in high-resource sporting environments primed participants to develop an athletic habitus to better navigate the gatekept and barrier-ridden field of athletic admissions. Part of this habitus included learning to deprioritize academic achievement in favor of athletic achievement as the latter held greater admission advantages. It also meant learning to best package their athletic skills for admission. In the process, some talented athletes may be excluded because their habitus misaligns with fields constraints. Combined these processes lead to an overmatch contributing to the overrepresentation of white suburban athletes in preferential admission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]